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Isaaq genocide
Isaaq genocide
Part of Somali Rebellion
	Exhumed skeletal remains of victims of the Isaaq genocide
Location	Somali Democratic Republic
Date	1987 to 1989
Target	Isaaq population
Attack type	Genocidal massacre, state crime, mass murder, forced disappearance
Deaths	50,000–100,000; High estimates range between 100,000–200,000
Perpetrators	Somali Democratic Republic

The Isaaq genocide (Somali: Xasuuqii beesha Isaaq, Arabic: الإبادة الجماعية لقبيلة إسحاق‎),^[15]^[16]or Hargeisa holocaust^[17] was the systematic, state-sponsored massacre of Isaaq civilians between 1987 and 1989 by the Somali Democratic Republic under the dictatorship of Siad Barre during the Somaliland War of Independence.^[18]^[19] The number of civilian deaths in this massacre is estimated to be between 50,000-100,000 according to various sources,^[1]^[9]^[20] whilst local reports estimate the total civilian deaths to be upwards of 200,000 Isaaq civilians.^[21] This genocide also included the levelling and complete destruction of the second and third largest cities in the Somali Republic, Hargeisa (which was 90 percent destroyed)^[22] and Burao (70 per cent destroyed) respectively,^[23] and had caused up to 500,000^[24]^[25] Somalis (primarily of the Isaaq clan)^[26] to flee their land and cross the border to Hartasheikh in Ethiopia as refugees, in what was described as "one of the fastest and largest forced movements of people recorded in Africa",^[24] and resulted in the creation of the world's largest refugee camp then (1988),^[27] with another 400,000 being displaced.^[28]^[29]^[30] The scale of destruction led to Hargeisa being known as the 'Dresden of Africa'.^[24] The killings happened during the Somali Civil War and have been referred to as a "forgotten genocide".

Map of the sites related to the Isaaq genocide

In the countryside the persecution of Isaaq included the creation of a mechanised section of the Somali Armed Forces called Dabar Goynta Isaaqa (The Isaaq Exterminators) consisting entirely of non-Isaaqs (mainly Ogaden),^[31] ^[32] this unit conducted a "systematic pattern of attacks against unarmed, civilian villages, watering points and grazing areas of northern Somalia [Somaliland], killing many of their residents and forcing survivors to flee for safety to remote areas", this resulted in entire villages being depopulated and towns getting plundered.^[33]^[34] Rape was also used as a weapon against Isaaqs.^[35] Human Rights Watch states that this unit along with other branches of the military were responsible for terrorising Isaaq nomads in the countryside.^[36]Dabar Goynta Isaaqa would later turn into a system of governance where local officials would put the most hard-line policies into effect against the local Isaaq population.^[37]

The Somali government also planted one million land mines within Isaaq territory.^[38]

In 2001, the United Nations commissioned an investigation on past human rights violations in Somalia,^[18] specifically to find out if "crimes of international jurisdiction (i.e. war crimes, crimes against humanity or genocide) had been perpetrated during the country's civil war". The investigation was commissioned jointly by the United Nations Co-ordination Unit (UNCU) and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. The investigation concluded with a report confirming the crime of genocide to have taken place against the Isaaqs in Somalia. United Nations investigator, Chris Mburu, stated:

Based on the totality of evidence collected in Somaliland and elsewhere both during and after his mission, the consultant firmly believes that the crime of genocide was conceived, planned and perpetrated by the Somali Government against the Isaaq people of northern Somalia between 1987 and 1989.^[39]

Background

PreludeEdit

Ethio-Somali WarEdit

Successive Somali governments had continually supported the cause of Somali irredentism and the concept of 'Greater Somalia', a powerful sentiment many Somalis carried, as a core goal of the state. This particularly had strong support from the Isaaq clan who notably sent many volunteers, especially in 1976 as they joined WSLF guerrilla insurgencies and sent many volunteers a year before the war took place. Another factor behind the strong support from the Isaaq was the fact that the border that was drawn between Ethiopia and Somalia cut off important grazing grounds for Isaaq tribesmen. Barre along with the Supreme Revolutionary Council, to entrench their rule and in an attempt to regain the Somali Region of Ethiopia, launched a war against Ethiopia in 1977, this war was referred to in Somalia as 'The War for Western Somalia'.^[51] The Soviet Union, which at the time was allied to both Somalia and Ethiopia turned against Barre,^[52]and (with their allies) provided enough support to the Ethiopian army to defeat the Somali forces and force a withdrawal from the Somali region of Ethiopia.^[53]

Displacement of Isaaq and arming of refugeesEdit

All of Somalia felt the impact of the Ogaden War defeat, however the northern region (where Isaaqs live) experienced the majority of the physical and human destruction due to its geographical proximity to the fighting.^[54]Somalia's defeat in the Ethio-Somali Warcaused an influx of Ethiopian refugees (mostly ethnic Somalis and some Oromo)^[55] across the border to Somalia. By 1979, official figures reported 1.3 million refugees in Somalia, more than half of them were settled in Isaaq lands in the north.^[52] This has caused great deal of burden on both the local Isaaqs and state apparatus, especially coming off a costly war with Ethiopia, Somali studies scholar I. M. Lewis noted that "the stark fact remained that the economy of the country simply did not possess the resources to absorb so many uprooted people."^[56]

The presence of such a large number of refugees, especially when Somalia's total population at the time was 4.1 million (UN estimates^[57]) meant that virtually one out of every four people in Somalia was a refugee.^[58]The Barre regime exploited the presence of such a large number of refugees as means of seeking foreign aid,^[59] as well as a vehicle to displacing those deemed hostile to the state, notably the Isaaqs, Human Rights Watch noted that:

"Northerners [Isaaqs] were dismissed from and not allowed to work in government offices dealing with refugee affairs, so that they would not discover the truth about the government's policies. Instead refugees, registered with UNHCR were given jobs in the offices dealing with refugee matters."^[60]

As the state became increasingly reliant on international aid, aid resources allocated for the refugees caused further resentment from the local Isaaq residents, especially as they felt no effort was made on the government's part to compensate them for bearing the burden of the war.^[54] Furthermore, Barre heavily favoured the Ogaden refugees, who belonged to the same clan (Darod) as him. Due to these ties, the Ogaden refugees enjoyed preferential access to "social services, business licenses and even government posts."^[54] As expressed animosity and discontent in the north grew, Barre armed the Ogaden refugees, and in doing so created an irregular army operating inside Isaaq territories. The regime's use of armed refugees against local Isaaq populations in the north is also referenced in an Africa Watch report:

"[M]any Ogadeni refugees were recruited into the WSLF. The WSLF was ostensibly being trained to fight Ethiopia to regain the Ogaden [Western Somalia], but, in fact, terrorized the Isaak [Isaaq] civilian population living in the border region, which came to fear them more than the Ethiopian army. Killings, rape and looting became common."^[60]

Barre was essentially ensuring the loyalty of the Ogaden refugees through continued preferential treatment and protection at the expense of the local Isaaq who were not only bypassed for economic, social and political advancement but also forcefully suppressed by both the Somali Armed Forces and the Ogaden refugee militias.^[54]

The settlement of Ogaden refugees in Isaaq territory, and the arming of these groups (which effectively created a foreign army in the north^[61]), further antagonised local Isaaq population. The armed Ogaden refugees, together with members of the Marehan and Dhulbahanta soldiers (whom were provoked and encouraged by the Barre regime) started a campaign of terror against the local Isaaqs^[62]as they raped women, murdered unarmed civilians, and prevented families from conducting proper burials. Barre ignored Isaaq complaints throughout the 1980s,^[61] this along with Barre's repression of criticism or discussions of the widespread atrocities in the north^[62] had the effect of turning the long-standing Isaaq disaffection into open opposition.

Creation of refugee Ogaden militiaEdit

The government started a program of creating paramilitary groups among the Ogaden refugees as well as conscripting them into the national army, it also encouraged the creation of armed militia groups among members of the Darod (the clan of Siad Barre).^[63] The Somali Army managed the training of both groups, and costs incurred including any expenditure for their arms and equipment, radio communications and fuel came from the army's budget.

One of the militias formed by the Ogaden refugees was the WSLF, officially created to fight Ethiopia and "reclaim ethnic Somali territory" in Ethiopia^[64] but it was used primarily against local Isaaq civilians and nomads.^[64] A Human Rights Watch's Africa Watch report states "The WSLF was ostensibly being trained to fight Ethiopia to regain the Ogaden, but, in fact, terrorized the Isaak civilian population living in the border region, which came to fear them more than the Ethiopian army. Killing, rape and looting became common."^[63]

As for the looting, the Ogaden refugees from Ethiopia ransacked homes that were vacated by Isaaq civilians out of clan hatred. The Isaaqs entrepreneurial disposition was also a factor of the large-scale looting, which the Ogadenis saw as 'undeserved':

In northern Somalia, the Isaaq clans confronted a massive influx of Ogadeni refugees from eastern Ethiopia whom Siyad encouraged to loot property, attack people, and destabilize cities. An instrument of oppression, the Ogadenis and the regular Somali army were viewed as alien forces sent to oppress the Isaaq. Clan animosity intersected with class hatred as rural Ogadeni clansmen harassed Isaaq entrepreneurs with a visceral hatred, convinced that their wealth and urban commodities were undeserved. The Isaaq tell hilarious, but pathetic stories about Ogadenis who stole modern household appliances from homes in Hargeisa, Borama and Burao, then retreated with their “trophies” to use them in the remote pasture lands devoid of electricity.^[65]

As the WSLF, supported by the Barre regime, continued to attack and commit atrocities against the Isaaq, a delegation was sent to meet President Barre in 1979 to request making a stop to WSLF abuses. In spite of promises made to the Isaaq elders the violence against civilians and nomads by WSLF continued.^[63]

The continued abuse of WSLF and the government's indifference to the suffering of Isaaq civilians and nomads prompted many Isaaq army officers to desert the army with a view to creating their own armed movement to fight Ethiopia, one that would also intimidate the WSLF and discourage further violence against Isaaq civilians.^[63] Their new movement, supported and financed by Isaaqs,^[63] was named Afraad (the fourth unit) and became operational in 1979.^[66]^[67] The Isaaq movement of Afraad immediately came into conflict with the Ogaden clan's faction of WSLF in the form of a number of bloody encounters between the two groups. Afraad's objective was to push the WSLF out of their strongholds (Isaaq territory) whereas the WSLF responded by retaliating further against Isaaq civilians living in the border region.^[63]

The situation was further exacerbated by the appointment of Mohamed Hashi Gani, a cousin of President Siad Barre and fellow Marehan Darod, as the military commander of the northern regions with headquarters in Hargeisa in 1980.^[68] Gani's rule was especially harsh against Isaaq, he removed them from all key economic positions, seized their properties and placed the northern regions under emergency laws.^[68] He also ordered the transfer of Afraad away from the border region, giving the WSLF complete control of the border region, thus leaving Isaaq nomads in the area without any protection against WSLF violence.

A United Nations inspection team that visited the area in 1988 reported that the Ethiopian refugees (Ogaden) were carrying weapons supplied by the Somali Army. The UN team reported that, with the Somali Army's encouragement, the Ogadeni refugees carried out extensive looting in several northern towns.^[69]

Isaaq uprisingEdit

Summary executions of Hargeisa Isaaqs happened at Badhka, close to a hill in the outskirts of the city, where 25 soldiers shot blindfolded victims whose hands and feet were tied.

By early 1978 the Barre regime had full control of the Somali state's economic apparatus, including large amounts of foreign aid which were deployed "using selective redistribution to ensure loyalty to the regime".^[54] The Barre regime's oppressive policies against the Isaaq continued when in 1981, the Barre regime declared economic warfare on Somalis from the northwest and specifically the Isaaq.^[70]This was a major cause of the eventual fall of the Barre regime in 1991. It led a group of Isaaq businesspeople, students, former civil servants and former politicians who lived in the United Kingdom^[54]^[71] to found the Somali National Movement in London in April 1981. Initially, the aim of the various groups that merged to create the SNM was not to create an armed liberation front, but rather these groups formed as a direct response to the harsh policies enacted by the Barre regime against the Isaaqs.^[54] However, the official position changed following the meeting of the newly formed SNM Congress in October 1981 to one of liberation "with the expressed aim of ridding Somalia of Barre and instituting a democratic government in Somalia that would be inclusive of and based on the clan system".^[54]Ideologically, the SNM was a Western-leaning movement and was described as "one of the most democratic movements in the Horn of Africa".^[72]

A Human Rights Watch testimony before the United States Congress' Africa Subcommittee on 14 July 1988 stated that the actions of the Barre government have "created a level of violence unprecedented in scope and duration in Somalia".^[73] The testimony of Aryeh Neier(co-founder of HRW) explains the context in which the SNM was formed:

Since 1981, with the formation of the SNM, northern Somalia has seen the worst atrocities. Serious human right violations, including extra-judicial executions of unarmed civilians, detentions without trial, unfair trials, torture, rape, looting and extortion, have been a prominent feature of life in the towns and countryside in the northern region since 1981. In order to deprive the SNM of a civilian base of support in their area of operation, those living in rural areas between Hargeisa and the Ethiopian border have suffered particularly brutal treatment. A scorched earth policy that involved the burning of farms, the killing of livestock, the destruction of water-storage tanks and the deliberate poisoning of wells, has been pursued actively by the military. The principal towns have been subjected to a curfew for several years; arbitrary restrictions on the extension of the curfew have facilitated extortion by soldiers and curfew patrols. Internal travel is controlled through military checkpoints .... The existence of the SNM has provided a pretext for President Barre and his military deputies in the north to wage a war against peaceful citizens and to enable them to consolidate their control of the country by terrorizing anyone who is suspected of not being wholeheartedly pro-government. Years of sustained state violence have created a serious level of political unrest in the region.

The atmosphere of lawlessness has enabled soldiers to harass civilians for the purposes of extortion. Many Somalis have reported that military and security officers only respond to inquiries by detainees' relatives with promises to secure their release in exchange for cash payments. Civilians living in Buroaand Hargeisa have frequently been forbidden to hold funerals for relatives shot dead by the military and curfew patrols until they have paid a ransom. Rape, of young and older women, is routine. They will only be released from detention centers, even after being raped, if the family pays a ransom. No soldier or member of the security forces has ever been disciplined or prosecuted for abuses, which highlights the general lack of accountability.^[73]

By 1982 the SNM transferred their headquarters to Dire Dawa in Ethiopia,^[74] as both Somalia and Ethiopia at the time offered safe havens of operation for resistance groups against each other. From there the SNM successfully launched a guerrilla war against the Barre regime through incursions and hit and run operations on army positions within Isaaq territories before returning to Ethiopia.^[54] The SNM continued this pattern of attacks from 1982 and throughout the 1980s, at a time the Ogaden Somalis (some of whom were recruited refugees) made up the bulk of Barre's armed forces accused of committing acts of genocide against the Isaaq people of the north.^[75] It was clear then that the Barre regime had labelled the entire Isaaq population as enemy of the state.^[76] In order to weaken support for the SNM within the Isaaqs, the government enacted a policy of systematic use of large-scale violence against the local Isaaq population. A report by Africa Watch stated that the policy was "the outcome of a specific conception of how the war against the insurgents should be fought," with the logic being to "punish civilians for their presumed support for the SNM attacks and to discourage them from further assistance".^[20]

In addition to state-sponsored violence, other means of crushing the Isaaq uprising included the government's continuation of its policy of political repression and harsh economic measures, this included withholding international food aid donations to the Isaaq.^[77] This was especially harsh as food aid accounted for nearly half of all food consumption in Somalia in the 1980s.^[78]

Planning and preparationEdit

Letter of DeathEdit

Letter of Death (1/2) by General Mohammed Said Hersi Morgan, the son-in-law of dictator Siad Barre, a policy letter with the proposed "final solution" to Somalia's "Isaaq problem"

Letter of Death (2/2) by General Mohammed Said Hersi Morgan, the son-in-law of dictator Siad Barre, a policy letter with the proposed "final solution" to Somalia's "Isaaq problem"

In January 1986, Barre's son-in-law and viceroy in the north General Mohammed Said Hersi Morgan, who was Barre's bodyguard before he married his daughter^[79] reportedly told Isaaq nomads at a waterhole "if you Isaaqs resist, we will destroy your towns, and you will inherit only ashes".^[10]

General Morgan (later to be known as the Butcher of Hargeisa)^[80] was also responsible for the policy letter written to his father-in-law during his time as the military governor of the north,^[81] this letter came to be known as 'The Letter of Death',^[82]^[83] in which he "proposed the foundations for a scorched-earth policy to get rid of 'anti-Somali germs'".^[10]

The policy letter (also known as the Morgan Report)^[84] was officially a top secret report to the president on "implemented and recommended measures" for a "final solution" to Somalia's "Isaaq problem".^[85] Morgan writes that the Isaaq people must be "subjected to a campaign of obliteration" in order to prevent the Isaaq from "rais[ing] their heads again". He continued: "Today, we possess the right remedy for the virus in the [body of the] Somali State." Some of the "remedies" he discussed included: "Balancing the well-to-do to eliminate the concentration of wealth [in the hands of Isaaq]."^[86] In addition, he called for "the reconstruction of the Local Council [in Isaaq settlements] in such a way as to balance its present membership which is exclusively from a particular people [the Isaaq]; as well as the dilution of the school population with an infusion of [Ogaden] children from the Refugee Camps in the vicinity of Hargeisa".^[87]

More extreme recommendations included: "Rendering uninhabitable the territory between the army and the enemy, which can be done by destroying the water tanks and the villages lying across the territory used by them for infiltration"; and "removing from the membership of the armed forces and civil service all those who are open to suspicion of aiding the enemy – especially those holding sensitive posts".^[85]

In discussing the unusually frank tone of the report, Hassan Abdi Madar states:

"The report is addressed to the President of the SDR, the Minister of Defence, and Minister of Interior. The latter, Major-General Ahmed Suleiman Abdalla is also a son-in-law of the President, and Third Deputy Prime Minister. Since President Barre is also the Minister of Defence -- the previous holder of that portfolio, General Mohammad Ali Samatar, having been promoted Prime Minister on January 30, 1987 -- the report is seemingly confined to family members. This would explain its extreme frankness in specifying certain clans as targets for implemented and recommended punitive action."^[88]^{[self-published source]}

Other aims of the policy included arming other clans in the region^[89] and encouraging them to fight the dominant Isaaq:

"Since it has become evident that the Isaaq were, by act and intent, with the SNM; and since we could not see them giving up the line they have pursued so deceptively for some time; and in order to forestall them; we arranged for the other inhabitants of the North continuous meetings and a mobilization campaign designed to rouse them to action and to raise their level of awareness. This was intended to strengthen their unity and to surround Somali unity with a defensive wall. Among those inhabitants are: the Awdal people, the various sections of Western Somalis [including Ogaden refugees], the Las Qorey people, and the Daami people, etc. There is no doubt that the unity of these people will restore the balance of the scales which are now tipped in favour of the Isaaq. If they attack their tasks energetically, their unity will also undoubtedly humble those who arrogantly maintain that they own the North when the reality is otherwise."^[90]

Extrajudicial executionsEdit

Victims of extrajudicial execution by government soldiers left in a Hargeisa street, June 1988, Amnesty International

The system of indiscriminate killings employed by the government following SNM offensives had a galvanising effect on opposition to the government among both Isaaq nomads and city-dwellers.^[91] The military was operating under the assumption that if the SNM was active in a particular area, local residents must be supporters of the rebels. According to Human Rights Watch's Africa Watch, hundreds of Isaaqs have been executed and subjected to other reprisals on the basis of such suspicions.

These killings started after the SNM escalated its incursions into the Isaaq majority cities in the north.^[91] On every encounter between the SNM and government forces, "the army would conduct a sweep of the area where the incident occurred. Massacres followed, as did the killing of livestock, the use of landmines to blow up reservoirs, the burning of huts, arrests and detentions. The entire population in the area was regarded as 'the enemy'."

The following are a selection of the numerous episodes of extrajudicial executions of Isaaq civilians collected by Human Rights Watch's Africa Watch:

Select extrajudicial killings
No.	Location	Number of victims	Date	Details
1	Gogol Wanaag (near Arabsiyo)	6	15 October 1984	A farmer's wife was arrested in Gogol Wanaag, accused of sheltering an SNM fighter. In addition to arresting several others, six Isaaq men were executed on the spot, including two elderly brothers, their two sons and the son-in-law of one of the elderly man who was visiting from abroad. Their huts were burned and their animals killed. They were all accused of assisting the farmer's wife to shelter the SNM fighter. The sixth man was charged with being a member of the SNM and accompanying the SNM fighter who escaped. The villagers were not allowed to bury the dead men for five days.^[63]
2	Boqol Jirreh (a section of Hargeisaneighbouring a military compound)	26	17 November 1984	A mobile military court sentenced 26 Isaaqs to death. The group was split into 9 civilians and 17 SNM fighters, and many of the victims were nomads. Their property and assets were also seized. A group of Hargeisa elders were also seized to witness the 'proceedings' of the court, so they would 'talk sense' to the residents of Hargeisa.^[92]
3	Burao	43	December 1984	Many of the 43 victims had been detained in the city's central prison for some time on different charges. In December as the SNM's presence in the mountains around Sheikhbecame known to the government, all charges against the 43 Isaaq men were dropped, and they were all accused of association with the SNM. They were 'tried' before a Mobile Military Court and executed the same afternoon. Originally 45 Isaaq men were due to be executed; at the last minute two wealthy men were spared due to the size of the loans they owed the banks.^[93]
4	Gabiley and Tog Wajaale	25	14 March 1988	A Mobile Military Court sentenced 25 Isaaq men to death; they were executed the same day. They were shot as a reprisal when a major military offensive against the SNM in the vicinity failed; some of the victims were very old men.^[94]

Genocide

Targeting of other groupsEdit

The Isaaq clan was not the only target of violence. Many other Somali communities, such as the Umar Mahmud sub-lineage of Majeerteen also became the victims of the violence and war. A US Country Study handbook describes the Barre regime retaliation against the Umar Mahmud following a failed coup attempt in 1978 which resulted in 2,000 Umar Mahmuud civilians dying in Mudug.^[183] According to Rebecca Richards, the violence in the north and northwest was disproportionate but affected many communities, particularly Isaaq.^[184] The shelling, aerial bombing and associated mass deaths in many communities particularly targeted the members of the Isaaq clan, states Richards, and this systematic state violence was linked to the belief that these groups were obtaining assistance from the Ethiopian government. The harsh reprisals, widespread bombing and burning of villages followed every time there was an attack by SNM believed to be hiding in Ethiopia.^[184]

Taisier M. Ali states that Barre assuaged the Majerteen, and targeted other groups like the Hawiye. According to Ali, "with funds and clan appeals, he [Barre] was able to entice the bulk of SSDF fighters to return from Ethiopia and participate in his genocidal wars against the Isaq in the north and later against the Hawiye in the South, including Mogadisho".^[185]

According to some observers such as the International Crisis Group, while the violence under Barre affected many communities in Somalia, "no other Somali community faced such sustained and intense state-sponsored violence" as the Isaaq.^[186] African historian, Lidwien Kapteijns in discussing the targeting of Isaaq people as a distinct group in relation to other groups also targeted by the Barre government states:

Collective clan-based violence against civilians always represents a violation of human rights. However, when its goal is to exterminate and expel large numbers of people based on their group identity alone, it becomes clan cleansing. No one has suggested this term for the collective brutalization of the people of Mudug [Majerteen]. However, for the Northwest [Isaaq], this and even stronger terms (such as genocide) are regularly used. The scale and character of the collective clan-based violence committed against Isaaq civilians – who, although they were not the only civilians brutalized by the government, were especially targeted – suggest that this dimension of state-violence in the Northwest [Isaaq territory] indeed amounts to clan cleansing.^[187]

According to Mohamed Haji Ingiriis, the vicious atrocities during the reign of Barre were not an isolated event nor unusual in Somalia's history. Barre also targeted the Hawiye. But, states Ingiriis, Barre extermination campaigns against other clan groups reflected the deep-seated historic cycles of repressions by the clan that gains dominant power then marginalizes other clans.^[188]

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Isaaq genocide

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